Monday, 11 November 2013

How British and American aid subsidises Palestinian terrorism

Palestinian student from Bir Ziet university, throws a fire bomb during a clash with Israeli soldiers next to the Israeli military prison Ofer. The clashes occurred during a protest in support of Palestinian prisoners Jailed in Israeli prison.
Palestinian student from Bir Zeit university during clashes over a protest in support of Palestinian prisoners jailed in Israeli prison, 2013. Photograph: Atef Safadi/EPA
On both sides of the pond, in London and Washington, policymakers are struggling to weather their budget crises. Therefore, it may astound American and British taxpayers that the precious dollars and pounds they deploy in Israel and the Occupied Territories fungibly funds terrorism.
The instrument of this funding is US and UK programs of aid paid to the Palestinian Authority. This astonishing financial dynamic is known to most Israeli leaders and western journalists in Israel. But it is still a shock to most in Congress and many in Britain's Parliament, who are unaware that money going to the Palestinian Authority is regularly diverted to a program that systematically rewards convicted prisoners with generous salaries. These transactions in fact violate American and British laws that prohibit US funding from benefiting terrorists. More than that, they could be seen as incentivizing murder and terror against innocent civilians.
Here's how the system works. When a Palestinian is convicted of an act of terror against the Israeli government or innocent civilians, such as a bombing or a murder, that convicted terrorist automatically receives a generous salary from the Palestinian Authority. The salary is specified by the Palestinian "law of the prisoner" and administered by the PA's Ministry of Prisoner Affairs. A Palestinian watchdog group, the Prisoners Club, ensures the PA's compliance with the law and pushes for payments as a prioritized expenditure. This means that even during frequent budget shortfalls and financial crisis, the PA PA pays the prisoners' salaries first and foremost – before other fiscal obligations.
The law of the prisoner narrowly delineates just who is entitled to receive an official salary. In a recent interview, Ministry of Prisoners spokesman Amr Nasser read aloud that definition:
A detainee is each and every person who is in an Occupation prison based on his or her participation in the resistance to Occupation.
This means crimes against Israel or Israelis. Nasser was careful to explain:
It does not include common-law thieves and burglars. They are not included and are not part of the mandate of the ministry.
Under a sliding scale, carefully articulated in the law of the prisoner, the more serious the act of terrorism, the longer the prison sentence, and consequently, the higher the salary. Incarceration for up to three years fetches a salary of almost $400 per month. Prisoners behind bars for between three and five years will be paid about $560 monthly – a compensation level already higher than that for many ordinary West Bank jobs. Sentences of ten to 15 years fetch salaries of about $1,690 per month. Still worse acts of terrorism against civilians, punished with sentences between 15 and 20 years, earn almost $2,000 per month.
These are the best salaries in the Palestinian territories. The Arabic wordratib, meaning "salary", is the official term for this compensation. The law ensures the greatest financial reward for the most egregious acts of terrorism.
In the Palestinian community, the salaries are no secret; they are publicly hailed in public speeches and special TV reports. The New York Times and the Times of Israel have both mentioned the mechanism in passing. Only British and American legislators seem to be uninformed about the payments.
From time to time, the salaries are augmented with special additional financial incentives. For example, in 2009, a $150-per-prisoner bonus was approved to mark the religious holiday of Eid al-Adha. PresidentMahmoud Abbas also directed that an extra $190 "be added to the stipends given to Palestinians affiliated with PLO factions in Israeli prisons this month". Reporting on the additional emolument, the Palestinian news service Ma'an explained:
Each PLO-affiliated prisoner [already] receives [a special allocation of] $238 per month, plus an extra $71 if they are married, and an extra $12 for each child. The stipend is paid by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) each month.
About 6% of the Palestinian budget is diverted to prisoner salaries. All this money comes from so-called "donor countries" such as the United States, Great Britain, Norway, and Denmark. Palestinian officials have reacted with defiance to any foreign governmental effort to end the salaries. Deputy Minister of Prisoners Affairs Ziyad Abu Ein declared to satellite TV network Hona Al-Quds:
If the financial assistance and support to the PA are stopped, the [payment of] salaries (Rawatib) and allowances (Mukhassasat) to Palestinian prisoners will not be stopped, whatever the cost may be. The prisoners are our joy. We will sacrifice everything for them and continue to provide for their families.
Many believe foreign aid is an investment in peace between the warring parties in Israel and disputed lands. That investment might have a greater chance for success if terrorism did not pay as well as it does – with taxpayers footing the bill.

Gas industry employee seconded to draft UK's energy policy

Department for Energy and Climate Change (DECC)
Several more employees of other big gas companies are also working at senior levels within Decc, prompting accusations of a conflict of interest. Photograph: Antonio Olmos for the Guardian
A major state subsidy scheme for the UK's gas-fired power stations is being designed by an employee of a gas company working on secondment to the government, according to a document released by the Department of Energy and Climate Change (Decc).
The list of industry secondees, released to Greenpeace under freedom of information (FOI) rules, shows that the head of capacity market design at Decc is an employee seconded for two years from the Irish energy company ESB, which owns three gas-fired power plants in the UK.
separate industry document names the employee as Fergal McNamara and describes him as the head of capacity market design at the ministry as well as being a "government representative". However, the ESB and Decc declined to confirm his identity when contacted by the Guardian.
The document also reveals that several other employees of big gas companies are working at senior levels within Decc, prompting criticism that there is an unhealthy closeness between the government and the big fossil fuel companies.
Green party MP Caroline Lucas said: "Ed Davey is trying to convince us that he's taking a tough stand against the energy companies. How on earth are bill-payers supposed to take him seriously when they get reminders like this of the cosy relationship between government and the gas industry?
"It's quite incredible that someone employed by a company that builds gas-fired power stations has such an influential role in government. Even more so given that rising gas prices are the main cause of energy bill increases in recent years."
The "capacity market" is a subsidy scheme aimed at encouraging companies to build new generator plants, to ensure that the lights do not go out as old and dirty power stations are closed down. It will pay millions of pounds to energy companies whether the plants are generating or not, in order to ensure that electricity is available when needed. The cost will be added to customer bills via a compulsory levy.
In October, David Cameron ordered a review of all the levies on energy bills in order to find ways to reduce costs to consumers. On Sunday, the energy and climate change secretary, Ed Davey, clarified the position, ruling out the possibility of scaling back programmes that help insulate the homes of people on low incomes. He said those green levies could be shifted into general taxation. "There is no way I could support any move which undermined our effort on either energy efficiency or fuel poverty," he told the Sunday Telegraph.
Capacity market payments are theoretically open to any energy technology but are expected to be dominated by gas plants, which are relatively fast to build and flexible enough to provide back-up for intermittent renewable energy. Four existing gas plants have already been mothballed owing to a lack of profitability, and a recent report from financial consultants EY, commissioned by the industry group EnergyUK, said 23,000MW of new gas generation has received planning permission but almost all is on hold "with owners waiting to see if the economic and policy environment become more favourable".
ESB said it was the only company currently building gas-fired generation in the UK and that its employee, a corporate regulation executive, was interviewed for the Decc role. He is paid a salary by taxpayers, which is topped up by the company. "Due care and attention was given to any perceived conflict of interest and it was confirmed that none existed," said a spokeswoman. "The opportunity to build a greater knowledge of the market arrangements from involvement in the Decc secondment programme is attractive to us."
Apart from the three power stations ESB already owns, the company has also begun building a £700m, 880MW plant at Carrington, Greater Manchester, and aims to build a 1,500MW plant at Knottingley in Nottinghamshire.
The FOI document revealed that three further energy company employees are or recently have been working on secondment at Decc. Shell is providing two staff, British Gas-owner Centrica one, and a ConocoPhillips employee recently completed an 18-month posting.
The Centrica employee, working as head of grid management strategy and provided to Decc for free, was previously a regulatory affairs executive at Centrica who "led a number … of political lobbying campaigns" and was "responsible for managing the impacts of industry and regulatory change for [Centrica Energy]", according to the employee's LinkedIn profile.
"It is perfectly normal practice for businesses to second experts in particular areas to government departments," said a Centrica spokesman.
A spokeswoman for Decc said: "Secondees bring with them knowledge and expertise which are vital to helping Decc do its job effectively. Decc ensures that any secondee is bound by the professional codes of practice relevant to their industry or services provided."
The contracts signed by secondees ask them to self-police any conflicts of interest. It states: "It is a condition of the secondment that the secondee ensures to the best of their ability that in the course of their duties for Decc there will be no conflict of interest or perception of such."
Greenpeace UK's deputy political director, Joss Garman, said: "When the government said it was going to take on the energy industry, we didn't realise that meant hiring their [staff] and letting them write the rules. This is a straight-up conflict of interest and the public are the losers, shut out of decision-making by the companies bleeding them dry with rising bills."
Commenting on the new revelations on the role of energy company employees in government, Tom Greatrex, Labour's shadow energy minister, said: "Industry has a role to play in helping government to ensure policies are workable, but handing over the detailed design of the capacity mechanism to [an employee of] a company with a vested interest in a particular outcome is remarkably complacent bordering on negligent. It is time energy secretary Ed Davey got a grip, so policies are implemented in the interests of consumers, rather than fuelling suspicions about the motives of secondments into Decc."
An earlier investigation by the Guardian showed that employees from other energy companies, including EDF and RWE npower, had been seconded to Decc. An analysis of declared meetings showed that there were 195 meetings between Decc ministers and energy companies and their lobby groups between the 2010 general election and March 2011. There were 17 meetings with green campaign groups

Cameron's green levy threat 'devastating' energy efficiency industry

Britain's Prime Minister David Cameron
David Cameron told prime minister's questions that he would 'roll back' green energy levies. Photograph: Olivia Harris/Reuters
David Cameron's pledge to drop green charges on energy bills is having a "wholly devastating impact" on the energy efficiency industry, according to the UK's biggest insulation manufacturer.
Following controversy over rising energy prices, the government is reviewing the levies, which support energy efficiency and renewable power, after the prime minister said last month that such charges needed to be "rolled back".
John Sinfield, managing director of Knauf Insulation, said in a letter to the prime minister: "Do you really want to condemn more families to the choice of eating or heating this winter? Addressing the energy efficiency of our homes is the only route which offers permanent savings year on year."
While the biggest cause of soaring energy bills in recent years has been rising gas prices, green levies make up 9% of energy bills. About half of the levies fund a scheme called the Energy Companies Obligation (Eco), which insulates the draughty homes of people receiving benefits and a bill-discount scheme for pensioners. Ministers have repeatedly signalled that the scheme, which the big six energy companies have lobbied against, will be changed.
"I write to you to inform you of the wholly devastating impact already being caused to the energy efficiency industry, further to your announcement on green levies at PMQs," said Sinfield.
He added: "Eco has been designed poorly, implemented badly and has not delivered on its potential. But it is not broken. My plea to you is to put the policy right … rather than consider sacrificing it at the altar of short-term political point scoring." At least five other companies and organisations have also written to Cameron expressing the same fears. Geoff Mackey, a director at another major insulation manufacturer, BASF, said Eco was important and targeted at those who most needed it, but that it could be improved.
The UK has the worst levels of fuel poverty in the EU after Estonia, and the government's official advisor on fuel poverty told the Guardian in October that any cut to the Eco scheme would be "unforgivable". Andrew Warren, from the Association for the Conservation of Energy, said attempting to cut energy bills by cutting Eco was "utterly peverse". He said: "Clearly the best way of responding to the big six's greed is to minimise the need for their product."
Warren, who himself wrote to Cameron last Thursday, said theuncertainty created by Cameron's pledge to review green levies had already caused Eco projects to be abandoned. He said 7,000 jobs had been lost in the insulation business due to a crash in demand since January when Eco replaced previous policies, and the new uncertainty would lead to new job losses.
The UK has the oldest housing stock in Europe and over 5m homes still lack cavity wall insulation, while 7m lofts are inadequately insulated. Sinfield described the government's flagship energy efficiency policy, the green deal, as "failing". The scheme allows homeowners to pay for insulation measures using loans that are paid back using the savings they made on energy bills.
Ministers claimed the green deal would treat 14m homes by 2020, but since January just 57 green deals have been completed. "We in the industry have put to you what a successful Eco and green deal would look like time and time again," said Sinfield in the letter.

Iran nuclear programme deal in danger of unravelling

iran-nuclear-talks-at-risk
Binyamin Netanyahu, centre, and Israeli cabinet members meet at a kibbutz in the Negev desert to express alarm about the Iran talks. Photograph: Pool/Getty Images
The diplomatic progress that brought six foreign ministers tantalisingly close to a historic agreement on the Iranian nuclear programme is in danger of unravelling before negotiators meet again this month, officials and analysts warned on Sunday.
In a bid to contain the danger, the lead US negotiator, Wendy Sherman, flew straight from the talks in Geneva to Israel to reassure Binyamin Netanyahu's government that the intended deal would not harm his country's national interests.
The hastily arranged trip represented an acknowledgement of Netanyahu's power to block a deal through his influence in the US Congress and in Europe. Egged on by the Israelis, the US Senate is poised to pass new sanctions that threaten to derail the talks before they get to their planned next round in 10 days' time.
The US secretary of state, John Kerry, said on Sunday that America was sufficiently sceptical of Iran's willingness to dismantle its nuclear programme and would keep sanctions in place as talks continue.
"We are not blind and I don't think we're stupid. We have a pretty strong sense of how to measure whether or not we are acting in the interests of our country and of the globe," Kerry said on NBC's Meet the Press.
More immediately, Netanyahu demonstrated over the weekend that he could sway the Geneva talks from the inside through his relationship with Paris. It has emerged that after a call from Barack Obama on Friday evening asking him not to oppose the planned Geneva deal, Netanyahu did the opposite. He called British prime minister, David Cameron, Russian president Vladimir Putin, German chancellor Angela Merkel and French president François Hollande, asking them to block it.
Hollande, whose government shared some of Israel's concerns, agreed. It was French opposition that finally sank the bid to seal a temporary nuclear accord, after three days of intense bargaining, in the early hours of Sunday morning, but Netanyahu was quick to claim credit.
Netanyahu told cabinet colleagues: "I told them that according to the information Israel has, the impending deal is bad and dangerous – not just for us but for them too. I asked them what was the rush and I suggested that they wait and consider the matter seriously.
"The deal at once lifts the pressure of sanctions which have taken years to put in place, and leaves Iran with its nuclear and enrichment capabilities intact. Not one centrifuge is to be dismantled. These are historic decisions. I asked that they wait and I'm pleased they have decided [to do] so."
The French roadblock took Washington by surprise. There had been an initial day of discussions in Geneva on Thursday involving the Iranian foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, the EU foreign policy chief, Lady Ashton, and senior diplomats from the US, the UK, France, Germany, Russia and China, the six-nation group known as the P5+1 that has led the nuclear negotiations since 2006.
There had been an understanding that if the talks looked close to agreement, Kerry, who was in the Middle East last week, would come to Geneva to push them over the finishing line. But on Thursday night the Iranians forced his hand. Zarif announced that work on drafting an agreement would start the next morning and officials told the press Kerry would fly in the same day – putting the US secretary of state in a bind. If he stayed away and the talks failed, he would be blamed. He was weighing the possibility of personal intervention anyway, officials in Geneva said, but would have preferred to have chosen the timing and made the announcement himself.
Kerry had an uncomfortable meeting with Netanyahu at Ben Gurion airport on Friday morning in which the Israeli prime minister lectured him on the dangers of deal with Iran which loosened sanctions without halting the nuclear project. The atmosphere was so sour, the Americans opted out of a joint press appearance.
Kerry took off for Geneva, but before he landed the draft agreement was under public attack from another, more unexpected quarter. The French foreign minister, Laurent Fabius, told a French radio station that Paris would not accept a jeu des dupes – a fools' game, casting doubt on when a deal could be concluded.
He broke an agreement not to discuss the content of the negotiations in public, outlining what France saw as the sticking points: Iran's heavy-water reactor in Arak and its stock of medium-enriched uranium, which are alternative pathways to making a bomb. The 20% uranium could be easily turned into weapons-grade material if Tehran should decide to make a warhead, but Iran was refusing to ship it out of the country. The negotiators had been looking at compromises such as diluting it or turning it into oxide reactor fuel, which would make it more difficult to enrich further. But Paris was concerned that such options did not give the same level of assurance that the stockpile would not one day used for a bomb.
France's unease about Arak was even greater. Once operational, the heavy water reactor would produce plutonium with its spent fuel. It was due to be completed next year, and Iran refused to halt production, saying it was essential for producing isotopes used in medicine, agriculture and other scientific research.
A compromise was being hatched by US and Iranian officials that would allow the Iranians to carry on building the reactor over the six-month period of the interim agreement, but only to test it with dummy fuel rods and ordinary water.
The French and the Israelis believed that was too high-risk a solution that would allow the Iranians to get so close to completion that they would be able to insert enriched uranium into the reactor with very little notice and present the world with a fait accompli. Once that was done, bombing the reactor would not be an option because it would send a radioactive plume across the region.
Kerry had been hoping to address the French reservations within P5+1, but Fabius refused to back down during a session of the foreign ministers that went late into Saturday morning. Zarif observed wryly that the P5+1 seemed to need more time to negotiate with each other than with Iran.
Other western officials were furious with what they saw as a French breach of the P5+1's jealously guarded unity.
"This is about France's interests in the Gulf and the fact that Hollande is going to Israel later this month and he doesn't want the trip to turn into a nightmare," one official said. French officials said the text drafted principally by the US and Iran was significantly different from the one discussed by the P5+1. "There are two parallel processes going on here, a multilateral one that has been going on for seven years, and a bilateral one, and the two have not come together properly. The cogs have got jammed," said an European official in Geneva.
France has long suspected the Obama administration of being too ready to make a deal with Iran for short-term diplomatic gains, but as recently as a year ago a senior French official told the Guardian that ultimately an agreement would have to be made between Washington and Tehran. Paris, whatever its reservations, would not stand in its way.
That calculation clearly no longer applies. Following the two countries' falling-out over Syria, in which the French believed the Obama administration was dithering, France now feels strong enough to oppose Washington on America's most pressing foreign policy issue – a measure perhaps of America's waning influence in the world.

From Bosnia to Syria: the investigators identifying victims of genocide

Bodies of Bosnians
A worker inspects the personal belongings of victims whose bodies were exhumed from the Tomasica mass grave in Bosnia. Photograph: Amel Emric/AP
The dead body of the man in the blue T-shirt is covered in blood, and has been dumped in a line with tens of others in the courtyard of a building in Syria. In the colour photograph, the sun is shining down on the corpses, all of whom bear the marks of violence, some showing multiple bullet wounds.
Dr Radwan Ziadeh, the director of the Damascus Centre for Human Rights Studies, clicks on to the next slide in his presentation. It shows a trench filled with the dead bodies of those killed in a massacre in Syria in 2012, the corpses lying jumbled, packed tightly on top of one another.
"That man in the blue T-shirt," says Ziadeh, looking at his audience, "is my cousin." He pauses, looking at the assembled Kurds, Iraqis, Libyans, Bosnians, Serbs, Mexicans, Americans and others in front of him, gathered in the airy auditorium of the Peace Palace in The Hague.
"I never thought," says Ziadeh, a soft-spoken man with a neat moustache and black hair, "that I would see mass graves in my country."
Many in the audience nod firmly in agreement, for, like the activist, who has been documenting human rights abuses in Syria since 2011, they have mass graves in their countries too. They have gathered here in theNetherlands to try to establish a workable method of co-ordinating the multiple, highly complex facets of dealing with the rarified and painful world that is missing persons.
"Before I finish, I want to raise the issue of 'never again'," continues Ziadeh, clicking off his PowerPoint, and handing over the podium to the next speaker. This is a quietly determined American woman who knows all too well that those words, uttered at the Nazi war crimes trials in Nuremberg more than 60 years ago, have proved somewhat hollow. With an estimated 48,000 people, mostly civilians, missing in Syria alone – victims of forced disappearances, massacres and executions – the map of world conflict nowadays would instead seem to shout "again and again".
The organisation that Kathryne Bomberger heads – the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) – has perhaps done more than any to account for many of the thousands of people missing worldwide from wars, ethnic cleansing and natural disasters. The officials gathered in front of her from multiple conflict areas bear testament to this.
Croatian president Ivo Josipovic, whose country has uncovered about 150 mass graves from the Bosnia-Herzegovina war in the 1990s, said in the auditorium: "The issue of missing persons remains at the heart of every armed conflict."
"Syria," says Bomberger, "is a looming challenge. The challenge to carry out the non-discriminatory search for the missing is the challenge of the former Yugoslavia, is the challenge of Syria, the challenge of Libya, and the challenge of Iraq."

She should know. When, in 1999, the ICMP set out to find and identify the estimated 8,100 Bosnian Muslim men and boys who had gone missing following the 1995 Srebrenica massacre in eastern Bosnia, many people said it could never be done. After all, the bodies of the men killed by the Bosnian Serb forces of General Ratko Mladic – now on trial for genocide in a Hague courtroom, a mile from the ICMP conference – had been buried in dozens of mass graves hidden in the wild Bosnian countryside. One forensic scientist said that finding the victims and giving them back their identities would be akin to "solving the world's greatest forensic puzzle".
Undaunted, Bomberger and the ICMP picked up the gauntlet, and 18 years later, using advanced DNA-identification techniques at their Sarajevo laboratory, have identified nearly 7,000 of the Srebrenica dead, along with another 10,000 people missing from the Balkans conflicts of the 90s. The small organisation, only about 175 strong, is made up of forensic scientists, geneticists, biologists, human rights experts and support staff. A high percentage are from the former Yugoslavia, tenacious and resourceful people recruited in Bosnia after the war.
ICMP has now spread its operational wings: it is helping to identify the missing of Iraq and Libya, and has identified Chilean victims of General Pinochet from the 1970s, hundreds of cases from natural disasters such as Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and the Asian tsunami in December 2004, and even soldiers from the second world war.
When former British foreign secretary David Miliband, visiting their Bosnian headquarters in 2009, branded them a "global centre of excellence", he was not being overgenerous. Danish professor Niels Morling, vice-president of the International Society for Forensic Genetics, gets straight to the point: "The work of the ICMP is almost incredible – its work with DNA is, without doubt, the single most important achievement within the field of human identification with DNA."
So is it time to use this expertise to help Syria? And how? For now it is too early to say, as setting up a workable programme to handle missing persons – which means, to start with, finding and exhuming the dead – is obviously impossible while civil war is cracking across the country. And ICMP, as it says in its mandate, "provides assistance to governments", so some sort of post-conflict administration would have to be in place in Syria to request help in dealing with the thorny issue of missing persons.
But suffice to say that ICMP has already received a delegation of interested parties at its Sarajevo headquarters, which included Ziadeh.
So how on Earth, if asked, would it go looking for 48,000 missing people in a place such as Syria? What forensic science and human rights tools would it need, what judicial and legal permissions? How, in short, would it all work? And why is it so important to deal with the problem of missing people?
A mass grave in SerbiaA worker from the International Commission on Missing Persons at the site of a mass grave in Serbia. Photograph: Jasmin Agovic
How it might operate forensically in Syria is reflected by how it is working this week, several hundred miles south of The Hague, in the chilly autumn of north-western Bosnia. In an enormous clay pit set in scrubby woodland outside the hamlet of Tomasica, British, American and Bosnian forensic experts from the ICMP, along with counterparts from Bosnia's Missing Persons Institute, are digging up hundreds of muddy, grey-brown corpses. These are Bosnians executed 20 years ago, painstakingly exhumed from one of the largest mass graves ever found in the country. So far, 247 complete bodies have been recovered.
It is a mammoth feat of engineering and forensics, to start with: the corpses, alleged to be victims of ethnic cleansing by Bosnian Serb forces in and around the nearby town of Prijedor in 1993, are buried about 7.5 metres (25 feet) under the surface. In an area larger than a football pitch, 40,000 cubic metres of gluey, hard-packed clay has had to be removed with diggers in order to access the bodies. They lie underneath it in jumbled panoplies of death, teeth exposed, mouths open, skin still attached in greying shrouds to their skeletons, for ever frozen in their moment of mortal truth.
The decomposition of human bodies is slowed by a lack of oxidisation, and the clay in the grave has effectively sealed the bodies from the outside air. The process of saponification, whereby after death the body's tissue turns to a soap-like substance called adipocere, also called grave-wax, has been slowed. Muscular and organ tissue still clings to the skeletons.
Once exhumed, the bodies are taken to a nearby makeshift mortuary, tobegin the road through ICMP's DNA laboratory system. Hopefully, for the living relatives of the Tomasica dead, who have waited 20 agonising years to find them, this will see the remains identified and returned to their families for proper burial. The legal, forensic and human rights apparatus that makes this possible – the pathologists, mortuaries, autopsies, associations of living family members, DNA labs, data-matching software, court orders – is a vast operational monolith whose running the ICMP has perfected in Bosnia since the war. Wherever it goes, it must operate within the framework of any given country's laws.
"Science cannot exist in a vacuum," says an ICMP director. "It has to coincide with a rule-of-law approach."
In The Hague, Dutch foreign minister Frans Timmermans called for the ICMP to be given legal status under international law to enable it to operate worldwide – a motion supported by the UK, whose successive governments have been among the 22 worldwide that have funded the organisation over the past 17 years.
Regardless of whether the victims in question are from Kosovo or Iraq or Libya – or, as at Tomasica, from Bosnia – the identification of missing people is desperately important for human rights, reconciliation and justice. It establishes accurate numbers of casualties, and they prove what happened. On history's card table, they lay down a scientifically precise ace of spades. They put in place an absolutist cornerstone of the process of rule-of-law, as establishing numbers of missing persons is also vital for any war crimes trials.
After Hurricane KatrinaDNA was used to identify victims of natural disasters, such as Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Photograph: Shannon Stapleton/Reuters
It helps with natural disasters and terrorist incidents too – ICMP staff are currently in Nairobi, assisting with the aftermath of the Westgate shopping mall attack. Last summer, when a train caught fire off Lac-Mégantic in Canada, killing 50 people, the heavily burned remains of some of the victims arrived in the Sarajevo DNA laboratory.
ICMP's work is also, with the consent of relatives of the victims, used as evidence in war crimes trials, such as those of senior Bosnian Serb leaders Radovan Karadžic and Ratko Mladic, being tried by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), also based in The Hague. This provision of evidence can thus contribute to a newly emerging form of "atrocity accountability". It issues a warning to warlords the world over that their crimes can, one day, come back to haunt them in international courts.
But first the remains of missing persons have to be identified. Since the 1970s, thousands of people have gone missing from conflicts in countries including Chile, El Salvador and Iraq, as well as the Balkans. Before the ICMP started using DNA testing in 2000, human remains were mostly identified through artefacts found with them: dentures, blood-stained clothing, documents and fingerprints – the stark, mundane memorabilia of violent human demise. The problem was that this method was unreliable.
Two years after the 1995 Dayton Accords ended the Bosnian war, President Bill Clinton introduced an initiative to found the ICMP. In the dry, formal language of mandate and policy, its job was to provide a proper accounting of the persons missing from the conflicts in Bosnia and Croatia. It then proceeded to revolutionise the process of making large numbers of DNA matches on missing persons' remains. Using blood samples taken from the living relatives of victims, it matched them with the DNA taken from skeletal remains exhumed from mass graves, such as those from Srebrenica. Bomberger says: "In the early days, while mankind had been able to map the human genome, the ICMP was using DNA technology to map a human genocide."
So how does this identification process work, and what makes the ICMP's laboratory system unique? The answer lies partly in the vast numbers of human remains it handles – 40,000 people were missing in the former Yugoslavia alone – which no other commercial or government laboratory could even approach.
Second, it has developed its own matching software and vast databases containing genetic information from nearly 100,000 people, both living and dead. From this, it developed a system that could cross-reference vast numbers of DNA samples, taken from blood given by living relatives, and that extracted from remains exhumed from graves. By November 2008, for instance, ICMP would have collected more than 86,650 blood samples from living Balkans' relatives alone. The more blood samples that were collected, the easier it proved to cross-match DNA samples taken from the bones of exhumed victims.
Bones for DNA analysis Bones are cut for DNA analysis. Photograph: Jasmin Agovic
Third, the ICMP's laboratory system excels at extracting tiny amounts of DNA from heavily "degraded" bone samples. The DNA molecules that are best protected in bone are in the osteocytes – a type of cell – of mineralised cortical portions of hard bone, such as femurs. These are the hardest substances in the human anatomy and the ones that best resist the degradation of time and burial.
It was thus much harder for the ICMP to extract DNA from the human remains of Norwegian soldiers who had been killed on the eastern front north of Leningrad in the second world war than it was to extract DNA from Hurricane Katrina victims from 2005. The Norwegian soldiers had lain where they fell, on the surface of the Arctic tundra, for more than 60 years since 1944, frozen in winter, defrosted in summer, heavily oxidised, with interim interference from animals such as arctic foxes. The Katrina samples were fresh.
ICMP's central DNA laboratory is set in a quiet part of northern Sarajevo. The identification process for DNA profiling, or "fingerprinting", starts with blood and bone samples. Human remains, once they are exhumed from sites such as Tomasica, are washed, autopsied and catalogued. Bone samples, each about 10-15cm (4-6in) long, are cut with electric saws from the long bones, such as the femurs, of the victims.
Electric grinders are then used to scour dirt from the surface of the bone samples, which tend to absorb colouring and stains from the surrounding earth and from the clothing covering the corpse. When the ICMP was exhuming Bosnian mass graves in the years after the war, some of the clothing that sometimes appeared best-preserved was that made by Levi Strauss. A common contaminant that can impede the DNA extraction process is humic acid, a constituent part of many soil types.
Then, ground down into very fine powder, the bone samples are washed, and in a chemical solution, "lysis" takes place. This is the process of breaking down a cell so its constituent parts can be isolated for examination. The resultant liquid sample is then purified to remove any traces of detergents or reagents, spun in centrifuges and treated in devices equipped with silica membranes to which, simply put, the microscopic DNA particles adhere.
The DNA profile of a person is made by the ICMP using the Nuclear Short Tandem Repeat (STR) method. The main building blocks of the DNA molecule are four nitrogen-containing compounds called nucleobases – adenine, guanine, thymine and cytosine. The DNA double helix is normally made up of two DNA molecules, whose component parts intertwine like the branches of a weaving vine.
These four nucleobases repeat all along the DNA strand, pairing off and building "base pairs" of adenine with thymine, cytosine with guanine. The patterns in which they repeat and occur on the DNA strand are different in each human being, and form the basis of STRs. If the DNA strand can be amplified millions of times, the patterns of these repeats can be identified, and a profile of them obtained. This is the human DNA profile or "fingerprint".
Yet the scientific successes of the ICMP could never have been realised without the residual human sadness of thousands of relatives of missing people. Kada Hotic is one of these. A Bosnian Muslim woman, she lost her husband, son, two brothers and an uncle at Srebrenica in 1995. Over the subsequent 18 years, as the vice-president of the Association of Mothers of Srebrenica, she has followed ICMP's development, and its exhumation of the dozens of Srebrenica mass graves. These have led to her being reunited with the correctly identified remains of her five male relatives. She sums it up simply: "ICMP has done great things: it gave us back the ones we love."
One exceptional part played in the aftermath of the Balkan wars by the ICMP was to introduce measures to ensure justice. This approach, stresses Adam Boys, the organisation's chief operating officer, a former chartered accountant from Argyll, is about the rule of law. "You simply cannot kill tens, hundreds or thousands of people and expect to get away with it," he says. "I strongly believe that this message will be increasingly reinforced so that military leaders or their governments will consider hard before they commit crimes: ICMP's legacy and the legacies of similar institutions that support the rule of law could be a diminution in the number and scale of atrocities

Greek coalition survives no-confidence vote

Syriza members outside the Greek parliament
Protesters outside the Greek parliament in Athens during the three-day parliamentary debate. Photograph: Aris Messinis/AFP/Getty Images
Greece's conservative-socialist coalition government has survived a no-confidence motion, following a heated three-day parliamentary debate.
The motion, tabled by the radical leftwing opposition Syriza party, fell well short of the 151 votes needed to pass, with 124 lawmakers voting in favour and 153 against.
"Thousands of people are looking in the rubbish for food," the Syriza leader, Alexis Tsipras, said, as the motion was debated in parliament.
Syriza was supported by the Communist party, the rightwing populist Independent Greeks and the extreme right Golden Dawn. Democratic Left, a coalition partner for a year until June, voted "present". One socialist lawmaker voted in favour of the motion and was promptly expelled from her party's parliamentary group.
Although the motion of no confidence had limited chances of passing, Syriza used the debate to lambast the government over its policies, claiming it was taxing the poor to protect the rich.
"You chose the wrong moment to play parliamentary theatrics, in a time when the government is in crucial negotiations with the troika," the prime minister, Antonis Samaras, told the Syriza leader in parliament. A delegation from the troika of Greece's creditors, including the European commission and the International Monetary Fund, is in Athens assessing the economic climate before distributing a further €5.9bn (£4.9bn) in loans.
The no-confidence motion was tabled on Thursday, a few hours after Greek riot police ended a nearly five-month protest by sacked workers broadcasting from what was once the headquarters of the defunct ERT state broadcaster, removing a few dozen people occupying the complex.
The government, under pressure from Greece's international creditors to reform the public sector, decided to close ERT in June – a move heavily criticised by most opposition parties and the Democratic Left, which used the issue as an occasion to leave the coalition. The government has since set up a new, leaner broadcaster, with one channel in place of the previous three.
Greece has been surviving on international rescue loans from the IMF and other European countries since 2010. Successive governments have passed rounds of deep spending cuts and tax rises to secure €240bn in bailout loans. Greece has predicted it will emerge from its six-year recession next year.

John Major 'shocked' at privately educated elite's hold on power

Elite dominance
Sir John Major has criticised the 'truly shocking' dominance of the upper echelons of power in Britain by the affluent middle class. Photograph: Lynne Cameron/PA
Sir John Major has expressed his shock at the way in which every sphere of modern public life is dominated by a private school-educated elite and well-heeled middle class. He also suggested interest rates should go back to "normal levels of 3% to 5 %" as one way of helping pensioners deal with the recent squeeze on earnings.
The former prime minister has been warning for months about the threat of so-called net curtain poverty, and claimed the government needed to do more to address the quiet poverty gripping the responsible middle class. He blamed the slowdown in social mobility on Labour policies, including the abolition of grammar schools.
In a speech in Norfolk on Friday, reported on Monday by the Daily Telegraph, he claimed that pensioners' savings were being squeezed by a mix of inflation and low interest rates.
Major – who went to a grammar school in south London and left with three O-levels – said: "In every single sphere of British influence, the upper echelons of power in 2013 are held overwhelmingly by the privately educated or the affluent middle class. To me from my background, I find that truly shocking."
He blamed this "collapse in social mobility" on Labour, claiming that despite Ed Miliband's "absurd mantra to be the one-nation party, they left a Victorian divide between stagnation and aspiration".
Major said: "I remember enough of my past to be outraged on behalf of the people abandoned when social mobility is lost
"Our education system should help children out of the circumstances in which they were born, not lock them into the circumstances in which they were born. "We need them to fly as high as their luck, their ability and their sheer hard graft can actually take them. And it isn't going to happen magically."
The Commission on Child Poverty and Social Mobility, chaired by Alan Milburn, the former Labour cabinet minister, has found no evidence that social mobility slowed due to Labour policies.
The coalition will argue that its pupil premium is aimed specifically at poorer children and designed to help them achieve higher results than the better resourced middle class. It will also point to free childcare aimed at the poorer two-year-olds.
Major also said the government should help pensioners who had saved carefully for their retirement and were being punished by "cripplingly unfair" low interest rates. He suggested the Bank of England ought to return interest rates to "normal levels, say 3% to 5%", so that society treated "the saver as fairly as it treats the debtor".
Critics will point out that pensioners have been relatively immune from spending cuts, partly due to the triple lock on the value of pensions.
There is, however, cross-party concern about the potential impact of rising interest rates on household debt.
At the weekend the Tory MP Mark Garnier told the BBC: "The important point, I think, is that we have to remember that we're in a period of super-low interest rates: this is not normal, this is the lowest interest rates have been for 300 years.
"And actually when we go back to a normal period of low interest rates – so if they rise by 2%-3%, which is perfectly reasonable even before the three years target that [the Bank of England governor] Mark Carney has set – it's going to have a really dramatic effect on quite a number of households that are already suffering a bit of forebearance on their mortgages."
The thinktank the Resolution Foundation recently warned: "The number of families in Britain with perilous levels of debt repayments could more than double to 1.2 million if interest rates rise faster than expected in the next four years and household income growth is weak and uneven." Current market expectations are for interest rates to reach 1.9% by mid-2017.
Major said the Conservative leadership should pull their punches on the UK Independence party (Ukip), saying many of its supporters were "patriotic Britons who fear their country is changing", and would ultimately come back to the Tory party.
Turning to the Conservatives' prospects for the 2015 general election, the former prime minister said that if the party decided to "shrink into our comfort zone we will not win general elections – the core vote cannot deliver a general election majority".
Party members were right to feel unsettled by "bewildering" changes such as the coalition's decision to legalise same-sex marriage, he said.
"Social mores have moved on from the way in which we were brought up, with the values that we had. They have moved and changed," Major added. "And that is why issues such as gay marriage have proved so toxic for the Conservative party.
"Because for many Conservatives, people who are conservative because their instinct is to conserve, to change slowly and only when you know it is certain for the better, that is classically Conservative.
"For people like that who form the bulk of our party and a great deal of our country too, these are difficult issues, these bewildering social changes, and mostly it is my generation and older who are unsettled by these changes.
"We may be unsettled by them, but David Cameron and his colleagues have no choice but to deal with this new world. They cannot, Canute-like, order it to go away, because it won't."
Major called for loyalty from party members, saying: "Public criticism is destructive. Take it from me. Political parties who are divided and torn simply do not win general elections."